In both of the examples above, the pointing signs make a reference to the preceding discourse (i.e. are anaphoric) and thus it is presupposed that the interlocutor is able to identify the referent: the reference of the noun is regarded as (exclusively) definite (see also 6.3.1). According to Lambrecht (1994:79), definiteness “signals whether or not the referent of a phrase is assumed to be identifiable to the addressee.” In examples (65) and (66) indexes in the pre-nominal position appear to signal definiteness and perform the function which parallels that of (definite) determiners in many spoken languages.

It should be noted, however, that the present data seem to be inconclusive with regard to indexes occurring within noun phrases, and that some noun phrases which clearly provide a definite reading do not comprise an index. As an illustration consider the following glossed sentences which were signed in a sequence:

This apparently sporadic use of indexes in ESL noun phrases could be explained by the optionality of marking definiteness: if a definite reading of a noun phrase is clear from the context, it is not obligatory to signal it with (an additional) index indicating the definiteness of that phrase. (Recall that in 6.1 we noted the similar principle of optionality in number marking). Bahan et al. (1995:4) formulate a similar case in American Sign Language: “while the presence of a pre-nominal index necessarily implies a definite reading, a definite reading does not necessarily imply the obligatory occurrence of a pre-nominal index.”

Definiteness, however, can be expressed by the pointing sign or index alone as well. If standing alone in the noun phrase it serves to create an anaphoric, definite reference, as for example:

In (68), the pointing sign glossed as INDEX-fl is signed with the left hand on hold while the right hand articulates the sign for POSH: the INDEX points to the location in the signing space (front-left) where the car was signed previously and keeps track of its anaphoric relation, the noun phrase ‘MY CAR.’

6.3.1 The position of INDEX vis-à-vis the head noun

In Estonian Sign Language, indexes appear both pre-and post-nominally in the noun phrase. It has been pointed out in sign language linguistics that indexes which occur after the head noun within a noun phrase have “a pure adverbial usage” (Bahan et al. 1995:3). However, the data of the present study suggest that indexes in the post-nominal position in ESL might also function as determiners.

If the index precedes the head noun in the noun phrase, then, according to the collected data, it seems to mark or indicate an anaphoric, non-restrictive, non-contrastive or ‘neutral’ reference which is usually conveyed by the definite article in spoken languages. Consider the following example in bold, and examples (65), (66), above; English translation of gloss INDEX is also marked in bold:

On the other hand, if the index occurs in the post-nominal position within the noun phrase in ESL, then, according to the present data, it could be interpreted to establish a restrictive or a contrastive reference which is usually marked by a demonstrative in spoken languages (e.g. this/that as opposed to the in English). As an illustration consider glosses in bold and English translations in bold:

For comparison, a parallel concerning the same modifier/demonstrative occurrence either before or after the head noun within the noun phrase could be drawn with such spoken languages as (following Givon 1984:419) the Romance and Germanic languages, and Sherpa, Mandarin. These languages have the option of using both pre- and post-nominal positions for the distal (‘that’) modifier/demonstrative: the post-nominal position for stressed deictic modifiers, and the pre-nominal one for demonstratives which are being reinterpreted as definite articles, or, as Givon (1984:419) puts it, “for unstressed bleached articles.” He (Givon 1984:419) illustrates this phenomenon with examples from Swahili:

Conversely, Ute (Uto-Aztecan) is a language which presents exactly the opposite word-order controlling principle (Givon 1984:419):